A few weeks ago University of Sydney Vice-Chancellor Michael Spence astonished the audience at a National Tertiary Education Union forum by claiming to be a supporter of free university education. When Greens Senator Lee Rhiannon, a fellow panellist, pointed out what everyone in the room knew — that Spence had been lobbying energetically in support of the government’s moves to allow universities to charge students for their degrees — he supplied the following rationale for this apparent cognitive dissonance: successive governments had failed to resource universities sufficiently, and so additional revenue was needed. In this situation it was better to have universities set the price for degrees than governments.
Most university vice-chancellors now support, openly or tacitly, a free market in education, which has allowed Education Minister Christopher Pyne to claim that universities support the government’s higher education package. This is a fallacy. Vice-chancellors might represent universities in a formal sense, but they are not representative of the university communities, which by their nature are obstreperous. This is clear from the groundswell of dissent from students and staff and the emergence of groups like the National Alliance for the Public University, launched this week.
What distinguishes universities from the private sector is that they trade in ideas and are supposed to grant academics the freedom to speak without political, ecclesiastical or bureaucratic censorship. This is the essence of a secular liberal education. So while the modern universities may look like corporations in being run by highly paid (and rapidly growing) managerial elites, those of us who teach and research tend to view these elites as being grafted on top of the diverse communities of scholars who make up the real university.
To become a manager in the neo-liberal university means entering a Faustian pact with two key clauses. Firstly, that to speak the truth is less important than to promote the university brand. Pyne was quoted as saying: “Each university is responsible for its own governance, but universities should avoid needless controversies that damage their reputation [and] also make Australia look less respectable to our potential international student market.” In other words, academic freedom is all very well, but if universities cannot muzzle the extremists in their ranks they risk staining their image and losing revenue streams.
“Where once the HSC was sufficient to get you a secure, reasonably well-paid job, now even an undergraduate degree can be far from sufficient, particularly for those who … lack the family influence to open career doors for them.”
University managers hear these messages loud and clear. Most of them are technocrats — you can count the VCs with arts degrees on the fingers of one hand, with MBAs thick on the ground — and all are highly sensitive to market forces. They run huge organisations — mine has a $650 million turnover — vulnerable, like all knowledge economy players, to changing tastes and market whims. Most view critical social and cultural thinking as at best a necessary evil. This does not augur well for academic freedom if universities become more dependent on private funding.
The second requirement is that university managers accept the necessity to act according to pragmatism rather than principle, in the manner of Spence. This means that many VCs who believe in free education are supporting deregulation in the belief that at least some version of deregulation/fee setting is inevitable, notwithstanding the current opposition of both Labor and many crossbenchers. The one vocal opponent, Stephen Parker,who heads the University of Canberra, is cast as a hopeless idealist who is excluding himself from the conversation by refusing to assimilate to the political reality.
But is he? The public backlash against higher education reform suggests universities have become a mass concern in a way that they never were in the past. Structural economic change has generated the need for a mass post-school education system if we are to avoid the levels of youth unemployment and associated social unrest experienced in parts of Europe. So, while all the talk in the debate around deregulation has been of the private economic benefits that degree holders obtain, these are less important than the public benefits that accrue to a society from having its youth studying. There is little doubt that the current proposal will erode participation rates, notwithstanding the scholarships that top-tier universities are promising to students from low socio-economic backgrounds.
And it is not at all clear that university education will guarantee the sorts of private benefits that accrued in the past. In a recent opinion piece in The Sydney Morning Herald the Chancellor of my university, Peter Shergold, argued that “armed with a degree … graduates have a world of career options opened to them… [with] higher lifetime earnings”. This might have been the case for those of us who got our degrees in the ’70s and ’80s, but, given the changed state of Western economies, it is wrong to extrapolate from that to make optimistic projections about the current generation. Where once the HSC was sufficient to get you a secure, reasonably well-paid job, now even an undergraduate degree can be far from sufficient, particularly for those who, like most of the students at the University of Western Sydney, lack the family influence to open career doors for them.
This “bracket creep” in credentials means that for most there is little alternative to three years of post-school study. So perhaps we should view post-school education as effectively an extension of compulsory education to year 15. There is no suggestion that we should charge families the market price to send their children to government high schools, so why should the first three years of university be any different? Why are we as a nation contemplating moves to load more debt on those least able to pay? Perhaps the Palmer United Party, which has expressed a wish to dismantle the HECS system, is ahead of the game.
The average HECS debt is $15,200 and is repaid over 8.3 years (The Australian, 2013: http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/policy/lost-hecs-debt-62bn-and-rising/story-fn59nlz9-1226557806058 ). Despite the reality that undergraduate teaching can be provided for about 10% of the current cost using casual academics and for about 1% of the current cost through part-time expert accrediting assessments for top quality courses emplaced for free on the web (MOOCs) by top institutions like 152-Nobel-Laureate Harvard and 83-Nobel-Laureate MIT (see Dr Gideon Polya, “Accredited Remote Learning”: http://accreditedremotelearning.blogspot.com.au/ ), the anti-intellectual, anti-science, anti- youth and climate criminal Australian Coalition Government is hell-bent on hugely increasing the average HECS Debt and the interest rate on the debt (see Gideon Polya, “Letter To Young People Over $220 Trillion Carbon Debt: Revolt (Peacefully)”, Countercurrents, 11 July, 2014: http://www.countercurrents.org/polya110714.htm ).
The VCs are horrendously over-paid, parasitic refugees from scholarship. 1 non-research, non-teaching VC on $1 million pa earns as much pre-tax as 100 casual teaching and research academics on $10,000 each pa.
Decent Universities are about research, teaching and informing the public. Activities that detract from achievement of these core tasks – censorship, intimidation, bullying, busyness, bureaucratizatiion, time-wasting, lavish funding of university administrators – are a perverted and unconscionable waste of public funds as well as an abuse of academic rights, dignity and self-respect, and should be exposed and stopped (see Gideon Polya, “Crisis in our universities”, ABC Radio National “Ockham’s Razor”, 19 August 2001: http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/ockhamsrazor/crisis-in-our-universities/3490214 ).
Censorship is utterly antithetical to scholarship, research, science and science-based rational risk management crucial for societal safety – but censorship and intimidation is entrenched in Australian universities. Such censorship must be exposed and stopped (e.g, the censorship applied by the universities-backed and universities-funded web magazine “The Conversation”; see “Censorship by The Conversation”: https://sites.google.com/site/mainstreammediacensorship/censorship-by ) .
Universities that censor are unfit for our children ( see Gideon Polya “Current academic censorship and self-censorship in Australian universities”, Public University Journal, volume 1, Conference Supplement, “Transforming the Australia University”, Melbourne, 9-10 December 2001: http://pandora.nla.gov.au/pan/57092/20080218-1150/www.publicuni.org/jrnl/volume/1/jpu_1_s_polya.pdf ; Gideon Polya, “Academic censorship: why you should NOT study at the University of Melbourne”, Bellaciao, 5 November 2012: http://http.bellaciao.org/en/spip.php?article22283 ; Gideon Polya, “Censorship in Australian universities”, MWC News, 29 October 2012: http://mwcnews.net/focus/analysis/22488-gideonpolya-censorship.html ).
Things got even worse for Australian universities in 2012 with the passage of the Australia-United States Defence Trade Cooperation Treaty-related Defence Trade Controls Bill that make it an offence punishable by 10 years in prison for an academic without a permit to inform non-Australians (in conversation, tutorials, lectures, conference papers, scientific papers etc) about numerous technologies and thousands of chemicals and organisms listed in a presently 353-page Defence and Strategic Goods List (see “Impact of the Defence Trade Controls Bill on academic freedom”, NTEU: 10 October 2012: http://www.nteu.org.au/article/Impact-of-the-Defence-Trade-Controls-Bill-on-academic-freedom-13461 ).
Young people (probably rare through poverty among Crikey subscribers) must be made to realize that they are being lied to and ripped off. Well said by American Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) activists in the 1960s: “Don’t trust anyone over 30” (see Gideon Polya, “Book Review: “Whackademia” Reveals Parlous State of Australia ‘s Censored, Under-funded & Dumbing-down Universities”, Countercurrents, 14 December, 2012: http://www.countercurrents.org/polya141212.htm ).
Another not so publicised effect of deregulation will be it’s effect on “mature entry” into universities.
Ten years ago I graduated with a 30 odd thousand dollar HECS debt (since repaid) that I considered fair value. That would not be the case if my degree would have cost me $70,000. I would never have recouped the cost.
“it is not at all clear that university education will guarantee the sorts of private benefits that accrued in the past.”
This statement mistakes correlation for causation, and the same mistake has been made by two generations of parents.
Yes, 40 years ago most university graduates went on to have successful well-paid careers, but it was not the degree alone that guaranteed the benefits. Back then only about 15% went to uni, and these were either the very bright scholarship kids or the children of the wealthy and well-connected. It was these characteristics that got them the good careers, more than the possession of a piece of paper.
Now with close to 40% of young people aiming to get a degree, there is relentless bracket creep in credentials; you need a Masters or a PhD to get a job where once a 3 year degree would suffice. No wonder so many young people are unhappy; they and their parents have indeed been sold a pup.
Studies in Australia, Canada, the UK and the USA continue to show that university graduates get a far higher return on their investment than year 12 and diploma graduates, after correcting for aptitude and other factors.
What other factors? Do the studies to which you refer Gavin compare graduate outcomes of newer and older institutions? … of vocational degrees and generalist degrees? My point is that greater participation rates in circumstances of declining employment produces qualification bracket creep. It may also open up greater inequities between those enrolled in prestigious institutions/ courses and those who are not. And how do you measure ‘return on investment’? The point about correlation and causation is a good one. The fact that graduates enjoy higher salaries than non graduates doesn’t mean their qualification has produced that situation. Can you point me to a study that demonstrates that graduates from low income families enjoy higher incomes than non-graduates from wealthy backgrounds?