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“You dirty lefties are too easy,” Peter Dutton said in 2011. Turns out, he was probably correct.
What drove Dutton’s remarks about illiterate refugees stealing Australian jobs and more recently about Lebanese immigrants of the 1970s isn’t clear. Dutton is probably no more or less bigoted and ignorant than any other former Queensland policeman. But he’s cleverer than many have given him credit for.
This week, the process played out in miniature exactly, one suspects, as Dutton had hoped. A group of earnest young progressives invaded Parliament to protest about the treatment refugees on Manus Island and Nauru; they chanted (to the point where they themselves grew visibly bored), wielded superglue, abseiled and mounted signs. Parliament — where security agencies were already demanding yet more, extraordinarily expensive, security theatre to keep people out and keep those in better controlled — promptly decided to upgrade security. Right-wing commentators and politicians complained that the left was always trying to shut down democracy (readily ignoring similar far-right efforts); others argued whether free speech extended to being able to interrupt Parliament, a view that, as so often happens with free speech discussions, seemed mainly to revolve around whether you agreed with the protesters. Free speech always has lots of willing defenders among the ranks of those who agree with you.
[Protesters hijack Parliament’s last days]
Regardless of what issues forth from the mouth of Dutton or the drones of the Immigration Department, the open-air rape and child abuse camp Australia runs on Nauru is a matter of official policy — wilful neglect at the creation of such a hellhole is intended to be a deterrent to anyone considering coming by boat, as is the indifference to basic medical needs of detainees, which has led to deaths. People are right to be angry about what is being done by Australia. But Dutton is only too happy to provoke such protests, because like his comments demonising refugees or immigrants, they send the signal he wants to voters. He is engaged in an inverted form of virtue signalling, the practice of offering meaningless endorsement of progressive views (usually on social media) aimed primarily at demonstrating one’s enlightened status to one’s like-minded peers. But his version is to signal the opposite: Dutton is viciousness-signalling.
As we’ve long seen, there is a substantial proportion of the electorate that seems to think that no matter what we do to refugees, it’s not tough enough — at the moment it’s around 30% of voters. They tend to be Coalition voters more often than Labor voters, but “other” voters are particularly hardline in their view — more than 40% of “other” voters think rape, child abuse, murder, sexual harassment and medical inattention aren’t enough. Dutton knows that complaints about the camps and the abuses that occur there play to this sentiment, and any protests that draw attention to them will be to his advantage with such voters — perhaps luring them to the Coalition fold from groups like One Nation.
The same thing applies to his comments about those illiterate refugees who take local jobs, and his attacks on Lebanese Australians. It’s viciousness signalling — a broadcast to voters (“other”, Coalition, Labor and even some Greens) about his scepticism about immigration generally. That they draw condemnation in the media and from his political opponents is all to the better — they serve to amplify them and boost Dutton’s own profile. He even used Labor’s criticism of his vilification of Lebanese Australians to portray himself as a truth teller being bullied by the forces of political correctness and the “real racists” of the left.
[Did Dutton’s anti-Muslim spray breach section 18C?]
That status as victim, of course, is crucial not merely to the tactics of the right but even, one suspects, to their very identity, no matter how absurd. The angry white male that is now the political force of the moment sees himself as a victim, betrayed by elites, bullied by progressives, silenced by some sinister PC police — and all for daring to speak the truth that girls/wogs/Abos/poofs/towelheads are repressing him. That Peter Dutton — Minister for Immigration and possessed of extraordinary and increasingly unreviewable discretionary powers that nearly amount to life and death for refugees and immigrants — could somehow be bullied by anyone is laughable, but the more absurd the belief in victimhood, the more currency it seems to have.
All of this works well for Dutton, who sees a right-wing collection of angry conservatives as ripe for political exploitation. Cory Bernardi has been doing this sort of thing more subtly for years, and Tony Abbott rode to power (however briefly) on a softcore version of it, but Dutton has trumped — pun intended — both of them in openly attacking his own party’s immigration legacy and pedaling the crassest of stereotypes about his targets.
The question for “dirty lefties” thus becomes — how do you respond? Do you become part of the anger machine that serves Dutton’s purposes, or do you find another way to answer?
That’s quite a smear of all “former Queensland policemen” there.
Not at all. If anything, he is being generous to Queensland Cops.
The “wet” and “dry” has become the “dirty” and the “filth” (as in Irvine Welsh).
And the only question that really remains is; who is the tapeworm, Dutton or Brandis?
I don’t remember anyone saying anything really nasty about Hayden, but there was no internet in those days, I guess.
But Bernard still has a point; “the Left” (seemingly just “everyone else” these days) keep on bringing an accordion to a gunfight. The unions, the churches, the charities, and any worthwhile intellectuals have been pretty much neutered as influences. Trumpism is disposing of respect for quality media, and good old-fashioned demonstrations do more harm than good. Gah….
Hayden was an intelligent, thoughtful and decent man, very unlike Dutton. There is a good article by Katharine Murphy on The Guardian website reflecting on the murder of Jo Cox in Britain, and her husband’s determination that the nut jobs won’t appropriate patriotism at the expense of everyone else. He is trying to claim inclusive love of country for everyone not just the far right
Thanks Bernard Keane, but what is the answer to the question of how to effectively change the discourse promlugated by Dutton? I guess you wish you knew as well….. I am willing to try just about anything.
Kat
Hi, KR. (And great piece, obviously.) If I may, on the topic of “What Is To Be Done”.
It seems to me, as it does to you, that Bernard is not deriding the motivation of protesters, but pointing out what should be blindingly apparent to them and is not, but has occurred to you. I.e. These forms of dissent no longer work.
These acts are no longer seen as dissent but, like nearly everything else, as “elite”. This is, of course, a terrible state of affairs. Science is “elite” and concern for those held in prison camps is “elite” and asking someone not to use racial slurs is “elite” etc. These things, of course, are not elite. A true elitism is, for example, detaining people in torture conditions behind doors closed by borders and outsourcing at enormous expense for no end but to retain the votes of a racist minority. What could be more elite than that? Hurting people to hold on to power.
But Bernard is right (and you acknowledge this) that the “left” (now a meaningless term, as it bears no real relation to leftism as it is clearly written down—it seems now to only mean “really caring a lot”) can currently find no means of expression that doesn’t appear as “elite”.
It’s a strange time. One in which Cory Bernardi, a senator in government, can say he is “anti-establishment” and people believe him. I have even seen Rupert Murdoch disparage the “elites” on his Twitter account, which is actually hilarious to me, but seen as legitimate by many others.
But the thing that calls itself the “left” must take some responsibility here. The “left” makes consistent appeal to establishment institutions and ideas. Make speech unlawful. Support the Human Rights Commission. Recall, again and again, how “qualified” Hillary Clinton is, especially in the field of foreign policy. The last case is really strange to me personally, because she was, arguably, the most hawkish Secretary since Kissinger. She even used his approval of her in her campaign. And the “left” points to this recommendation by a realist butcher as a good thing?
In the case of asylum, the appeal to our “higher morality” does actually look elite. It is elite. Honestly. To be asked again and again, “don’t you care?” by the “left” is exhausting for many. And I know that what is being done in these camps is beyond any kind of rational understanding. But these constant moral injunctions, which really do form the basis of the “left’s” campaign, are, whether they like it or not, largely understood as elite.
They really kind of are.
Appeal to a higher authority or a higher nature has become natural for the “left”. It often positions itself in the intimate company of institutions and laws and establishment figures like Clinton, and then wonders why it is seen as hoity toity. (I know Not All Leftists etc, but most of them.)
I am going to right a bit about this for Crikey next week, so I won’t unload before research here. But there IS a history of protest on which the “left” can draw. It belongs to the true left. If they do not leave this slavish love of “higher” morals and institutions and continue to allow these things to form the basis of their (very legitimate) complaint, they will lose. They will be seen, even when disrupting parliament, as tossers.
Currently, the alt-right has the protest thing down. Which is terrible. The left needs to be truly “dirty”, not dirty in the way Dutton meant it. Which I am going to suppose is more like the way you’d call a rich man dirty than a poor man. At least, this is the way it is understood.
In short, I don’t think hope is lost. I think there are strategies. One of them is not to go about without thinking things through. I fully support the aims of the protesters. Like Bernard, I am appalled by their lack of thought.
Indeed, I am going to “write”.
Jesus, Helen.
hahahahaha
This bit: ‘To be asked again and again, “don’t you care?” by the “left” is exhausting for many. And I know that what is being done in these camps is beyond any kind of rational understanding. But these constant moral injunctions, which really do form the basis of the “left’s” campaign, are, whether they like it or not, largely understood as elite.
They really kind of are.’ Totally Raze, x10. My two bob’s worth is: the moral outrage isn’t ‘of the left’, which ought to be obvious to anyone who endured ‘the right’s’ predictable posthumous condemnations of Castro. The moral outrage is a liberal centrist predilection embraced by Clintonites and Blairites who assumed a less adversarial left would suit GenXers trying to get a few economic runs on the board during the nineties. And, for two decades, it worked politically. However it didn’t put the economic runs on the board for many in that generation, and those that haven’t migrated to the unabashed moralisers in the Greens are the ones who’re now sick of the moralising. At least in sufficient numbers to consider Brexiterish/Hansonite/Trumpish populism. I don’t think that there’re any obvious new directions for those that recognise that politics must engage with the lived economic reality of constituents, but the crisis within the material crisis that has seen 2016’s populist tack is that those populists now have to deliver or die. As someone who thinks they won’t be able to deliver economically, the real question will be: what will a post-moral, post-truth economically disenfranchised rejection of Hansonism/Trumpishness and UKIP nationalism look like. At least, that’s the question that the real global economic elites will be asking themselves now that they’ve bought themselves another four years to put their wealth beyond the reach of governments. Myself, I think that contemporary dystopian fiction has had a better idea than most political commentators that’ve lived through the Thatcherite/Reaganite and post-Cold War ‘end of history’ periods. Quoting: let the Hunger Games begin!
I look forward to it, ‘write ‘ or ‘right’, thanks Helen.
KR
Totes agree. I remember dimly my time in student politics in the late ’90s on the ‘left’ side of things as the Right (in this case Young Labor) ruthlessly and effectively smashed us, ripped off the student council, collaborated secretly with Uni management and generally engaged in enjoyable bloodsport, as prep for a life of useless adulthood within the Labor Party.
And what did most of us do? – (try to) Reason with them! And like Dutton, they pushed our buttons, watched us exhaust ourselves with outrage and continued on their merry way; at rare times, such as injunctions to the High Court, their smirks were wiped from their faces, but for the most part they played it so easily.
It’s time to get a bit of a harder edge, stop trying to please everyone and take the fight to these despicable, cynical *#?%ers instead of falling into the trap of thinking they either a) believe the sh*t they are saying/doing or b) are amenable to logic, compassion or decency.
One step forward and two steps back…..
Passionate and well-intentioned as these people are, they’ve handed Homer the Dog-Whistler (and his howling Limited News/media cheer-squad) ammunition – and haven’t they used it, to draw fence-sitters to their far-right side of the fence.
Meanwhile there’s Turbott, on flageolet, in a duet.
As for “victimhood” :- “They attacked my hammer with their heads!”?