(Image: Tom Red/Private Media)

For the younger Crikey readers — you raving under-50s — the term “silly season”, popular in the Australian media, once meant this: with a combined Christmas/summer holiday and a MSM chokehold on news, the joint just shut down for five weeks.

Agencies spat out telexes from faraway places for the middle pages — cities falling, foreigners blowing up planes and so on. But here, as everyone busked it out until a final blow-out on Australia Day — the only meaning that day has ever found — a skeleton staff promoted dogs who could howl “Up the Cazaly”, or the armed robbery of a pizza joint in Thornbury to the front page. Each would get three days in a row. Then the dog would be taken to the pizza and lo, it was good — for everyone except cadets sweating through their chocolate-brown, drip-dry nylon shirts wondering if there was going to be a paper tomorrow.

That was silly season. Now, with the world on a 24/7/365 rotation, “silly season” has become the process by which important decisions have to be made by tired people who are over it, never wanted to be there in the first place, and aren’t much chop at it when they’re at the top of their game. So silly season has swung to the very opposite of the spectrum, from the sort of story you fall asleep over on a banana lounge to the one that has you sitting bolt upright wondering if you need to put the family civil emergency plan into action.

Silly season now is realising that nothing ever stopped, no one is in charge, anyone even nominally in charge is, by definition, not competent for the job, and the return of the big girls and boys will only make things worse.

With this government, the summer, and the Omicron wave, it’s a perfect three-point trajectory. We all knew it was coming but we were too drunk and then too drowsy to really face it. The lower death rate of Omicron was enough for us to give ourselves a pass on outrage, until it became clear that the Morrison government had stuffed up beyond the implicitly agreed-upon limit and had once again endangered health system capacity, basic travel, assured contact with elderly relatives and, above all, school reopening.

As Scott Morrison remained absent, was then shoved in front of cameras to tell easily busted lies, offered us a fish it seemed he was not himself cooking, invoked magic Jenny and then disappeared again, it became clear to millions that this was not only worse than we thought it would be, it was worse than the worse than we thought it would be.

The federal government’s incompetence, insouciance and apathy have been something other than ham-fisted bumbling, such as would make the queues of cars and pedestrians waiting for a shot, a test, reminiscent of, silly season: shots of petrol shortages or Christmas strike queues from the ’70s. They looked like that other silly season staple: breakdown of order in African country X, courtesy of Reuters, anguished Third-Worlders arguing with sinister troops, aerial photos of someone capturing the radio station.

This disastrous period has a flavour of generalissimo government, an arrogant disdain for the people that is almost sensual. Morrison’s ever-ready impatience with actual questions has become a pre-emptive irritation. In those couple of disastrous press moments, with the stories about stopping to buy a test (apparently a lie), Jenny buying one (possibly true), and a homily about self-reliance and the private sector, one heard the irritated Sunday school teacher — which Morrison has surely been — snapping at someone asking a question that’s not about the book of Esther. The Thick Of It-style omnishambling?

Morrison is a preacherman, certainly above being the prime minister of some dogshit continent suburb far from heaven. Surely this has now become clear to anyone paying attention. He wanted the gig, sure, but he didn’t want it in a way that would kill him if he didn’t get it. He wants worldly success, his church is the 30 suits in a motorised-rail-walk-in-wardrobe more than sackcloth-and-ashes type, but it is only an expression of God’s plan. So it’s like playing golf after you just got a hand job in the clubhouse bar. You’re relaxed, you want this shot, but who really gives a damn if you miss? So you get it every time. Christian Zen. Your opponents are so twisted with stress they go straight into the bunker.

God is the hand job in this parable*. The Pentecostal God that Scott Morrison worships is not the absent-present post-Auschwitz god of the anguished. Though his faith is ostensibly Protestant, it’s really pre-Isaiah, a Yahweh protecting the tribe of the elect.

Morrison’s simple and repeated inability to feel COVID as a moral emergency comes from his inability to take on the moral universalism that is demanded of the prime minister of a multicultural society. No one believes, or should, that a PM is responsible for every life and death. But the moral role of a PM, in situations of medical extremis, is to act on the assumption that their every action will make a difference, to feel the fierce urgency of the role they chose and were chosen for. They should be able to repeatedly regroup the scattered feeling and broken sense of a whole, so that people can act together, with leadership.

But for the Pentecostalist, it’s the opposite. You’re not here to make people think it’s alright; you need people to be aware that they are responsible for their own salvation, whether it’s getting an antigen test or accepting Jesus, the former a step towards the latter. You would be betraying their soul if you gave them false comfort through minimising the risk to their body. Morrison is giving us a chance to save ourselves.

Even these at-home glimpses are part of it. The Jenny and Scott routine is straight out of a Hillsong marriage guidance pamphlet: men and women are equal, but a marriage has a leader, usually, guess who. In the Scott and Jenny parables, it’s usually Jenny drawing the water, hewing the wood, and finding the testing kits. And the fish? Well it’s always a fish! He’s a fisher of men. You know who else was great at catering seafood on a large scale, hmmmmmm?

Morrison connects with people who live modest lives amid a vast and roaring cosmos in ways that Labor still cannot. It’s part of its minimal strategy, but it leaves Morrison’s narrative and persona intact — and, strategy aside, it doesn’t do what an opposition, especially a progressive one, should do, which is to name utter dereliction and wilful, negligent, sabotage, when it appears.

That’s what has made this a silly season rather than a hunting season; this sense of a gap between the state and ourselves, between the rulers and the ruled, which finally has the feeling of abandonment — if neither side can voice a strong ethical relationship between government and governed, however compromised it might be in actuality.

*Few theological systems recognise this.