The jury that acquitted police constable Zachary Rolfe of murdering Kumanjayi Walker knew what he said he had done and what other witnesses had to say about it, and had seen the body cam footage. What its members didn’t know was whether Rolfe had form.
If they read the news, they’ll now know the prosecution had wanted to place before them a significant volume of evidence suggesting that Rolfe did have form, relevant enough to inform their assessment of his actions on the day Walker died.
The defence had fought that and won. Not only was all that evidence excluded from Rolfe’s trial so the jury never saw it, but the court placed a suppression order over it to ensure it couldn’t be reported.
The suppression order was lifted, post-trial, only because the media went to court over it. What is now public is disturbing, but we must be careful when contemplating what to make of it.
There are two aspects to Rolfe’s history that give serious pause. His attitude to his job was, on evidence of his private statements, somewhat different from the picture he sought to paint in interviews he gave while awaiting trial. In text messages obtained by the prosecution, he had described Alice Springs as being “like the Wild West” with “fuck-all rules”, and his role with the immediate response team as a “sweet gig, just get to do cowboy stuff with no rules”.
More concerningly, on four occasions in the two years before Walker’s death, Rolfe was the subject of allegations that he used excessive force on Aboriginal suspects during attempted arrests, and in three of them that he also fabricated evidence or lied to cover up his actions.
According to third party evidence, on one occasion — after Rolfe had allegedly punched a suspect causing unconsciousness — he asked another police officer to scratch his face so he would have an injury that he could use as justification for the force he had used. Apparently a magistrate later found that he had deliberately assaulted the suspect and then lied about it.
The prosecutor in the Walker case wanted all this evidence to be shown to the jury, along with a report by an expert who had reviewed 46 incidents involving Rolfe and had concluded that he had a disregard for safety and proper procedure. The argument was that the evidence showed a pattern of behaviour, something about which the jury should appropriately know.
This is a fraught area of the criminal law; it is a hellishly difficult balancing act for judges to determine whether evidence of things other than the specific alleged crime in question should be allowed in, on the basis that it speaks in some way to the likelihood that the accused committed this crime.
What does Rolfe’s alleged track record for excessive violence during arrests of Aboriginal suspects tell us about whether he murdered Walker? In a literal sense, no more than what one coin toss can tell us about the next.
However, the law does recognise propensity as a real thing, that a clear enough pattern of a particular type of conduct can fairly inform an assessment of whether certain alleged things happened or what a person’s mental state at the time was. The court has to weigh whether the value of that information is greater than the prejudicial effect it is likely to have on the jury’s minds.
In this case, the judge concluded that the evidence of Rolfe’s past acts was not sufficiently relevant to what he had allegedly done to Walker, and so it was excluded. In this context, it’s only fair to keep in mind that there was no real contest over the facts of Walker’s death since it had been captured on video. The issue was whether Rolfe’s actions were criminal, and the jury determined that they weren’t. I can see why the judge ruled that what Rolfe had done on other occasions wasn’t going to be helpful.
It’s pointless to posit the “what if” scenario of that evidence having been put in front of the jury. It wasn’t, and that’s the end of it. Rolfe is entitled to the benefit of his acquittal and the case should not be retried in the media.
There is a different question, however, which can be fairly asked now that we know about Rolfe’s history: why was he in that room that day, holding a gun, at all?
It goes without saying that policing is a sacred trust; we clothe police officers with a badge and a gun, the authority and the power that go with them, as an act of faith in their personal integrity and their ability to wield their weapons and responsibilities with good judgment.
Rolfe, by any analysis, had a deeply troubling record. It says something about the Northern Territory Police Force that he was still out there in the Wild West, being placed in situations where split-second decisions must be made with potentially deadly consequences.
Policing is not, obviously, for the faint-hearted. We should be slow to second-guess operational decisions, especially those made under stress. But we can legitimately ask, and I think we should, what is going on in the NT and the oversight of its cops? It looks like Rolfe’s own descriptions of the conditions under which he worked may have been disturbingly accurate.
Troubling indeed. Even more troubling was seperate media reporting that colleagues of Rolfe had refused to be interviewed by internal police investigators over the perjury allegation/commentary from the judge. That ‘blue wall of silence’ is toxic. It creates personal risk for other officers, organisational risk for police and public risk for the community. The personal risk for fellow officers arises from the next time a ‘bad apple’ behaves illegally and potentially involves them and their careers in the mess. Organisational risk arises from loss of public faith and trust in policing, which is vital for the organisation’s effectiveness. The public risk is that the ‘bad apple’s’ next misstep may result in irreversible harm to a person and/or a community. All officers owe it to their oath, community and organisation to speak the truth about ‘bad apples’, because the sooner they are neutralised the less the risk for all concerned.
Spot on.
Every point, from the personal, professional & public.
Aren’t we lucky there is no politics involved?
The body language said it ALL about Rolphe. Turn off the sound and just watch.
Its right to suspect that Rolfe wasnt troubled by rules. He went to arrest Walker on the saturday night insteading of waiting till morning as he was told to.
All this confirms my belief that the people who are attracted to policing and prison roles are people who like the idea of having serious control, indeed the power of life and death, over others. They appear to be mainly conservative with all the baggage that comes with that including rusted on racism, white supremicist attitudes and mysogeny. Soon or later, over 1000s of contacts, this boils over and someone dies. Its no accident that hundreds of Aboriginals have died in police custody since the royal commission in just that.
As it is the type of people who join the police seem to be the wrong ones to be policing Aboriginals.
Most aborigines who have died in custody have been in jail, not in police custody. Apart from that, I agree with you.
Not sure if it was in the Guardian Australia or The Saturday Paper that I read a comment from Rolfe’s mother that Ben Roberts-Smith had been a mentor to her son.
Guardian, I believe.
Definitely in the Guardian, along with a comprehensive outline of the events mentioned by Mr Bradley.
It was certainly in the Gruan – no comments allowed, as another zine does frequently.
The history raises an interesting legal question. The current general view is that Police do not owe a duty of care to victims or accused persons, such that they cannot be liable to pay damages for injuries caused by negligence.
The UK Supreme Court has decided that Police definitely don’t owe a duty; the Canadian Supreme Court has said they can owe a duty to accused persons in some circumstances, and the Australian High Court (in a footnote some years ago) has expressly withheld deciding whether to follow the UK or Canada on the point.
The history that has now come out might support a claim that the NT Police Commissioner was negligent in allowing Rolfe to be put into a tactical situation as he was, with issued arms. It would potentially be a good vehicle for the High Court to decide the point.
It went further than the individual police officer. Mr Walker was removed from the place where he was shot and taken to the police station. There were no medical staff available. No-one except the people involved know if he was alive when he was moved. Presumably this will be traversed at an inquest. However moving someone when they are badly injured is never a good idea. Moving a body when an investigation will have to be held looks an awful lot like interference with a crime scene.
Then a medivac plane arrived. I haven’t read whether there were medical staff on that plane, or what the staff on the plane knew of the situation, but the only person who went out on that plane was a slightly injured police officer. If Mr Walker was still alive at that stage, I cannot see how there is not a criminal offence involved there.
This situation reminds me of the Palm Island situation. I always thought the obvious charges in that situation would be related to the officer’s conduct after Mr Doomadgee’s death. Maybe the police officer did just fall on him. But to leave him in obvious pain in a cell and not even attempt to get help seems to me clearly criminal. It seems to me that the action of the police involved in moving Mr Walker and not putting him on the plane to the hospital goes beyond negligent into criminal. This situation needs to be the focus of an investigation, I would have thought.