(Image: Private Media)

So as your correspondent may have suggested once or 50 times recently, Labor has crossed over — and some (well, many) of its supporters from the left are finding it hard to deal with. This is manifesting in a series of not particularly effective attacks on Labor’s determination to be a party of total capital, which work on the false presumption that there are left allies within Labor to join the attack. There’s more than a touch of melancholia to some of these encounters, the inability to end a mourning process and let a dead attachment go.

This may continue for some time. But it would be better if it could be got through quickly and a new strategy formed. That’s easier said than done. Labor is the only progressive party capable of government, and for a long time progressives’ relationship with it has had a mild sleight-of-hand quality: they get in on a mainstream platform, and our program, semi-acceptable to a larger group, comes in with it. Without Labor, the left is face to face with the fact that our program hasn’t busted through for decades, and that it has now retreated pretty much to the boundaries of the knowledge class.

The most obvious course is to join, or to more actively support, the Greens, or a smaller party to the left — although only the Victorian Socialists, in Victoria, offer an option that is not a fairly closed revolutionary party. The Greens remain the main game. But this is where many people long associated with Labor find certain things hard to contemplate — no matter how much one makes the point that the Greens are a social democratic party with a specific environmental concern, but otherwise with a policy framework firmly on the left and to the left of Labor.

So what’s the barrier for so many in making this final shift? Quite aside from accepting the changed status of a minority party, it’s a matter of cultural style. The Greens now present the knowledge class at its most concentrated, and it is not always a pretty or appealing sight. Any social class when concentrated in a party can present an unattractively rigid vision of humanity.

Not only is the knowledge class no exception to this, but its adoption of a social moralising role has turned it into a clerical class, with much recent focus on social legislation, behavioural control, etc. This is a difficult image to dispel, even when Claudia Perkins (Adam Bandt’s partner) circles the Midwinter Ball as a goddess, the member for Melbourne on her arm like a grinning, black-suited goblin who conjured her up from twigs, spells and belladonna.

The important thing that anyone contemplating the current political layout must consider is whether the usually more technocratic and censorious image of the Greens, open-necked white shirts and wooden earrings, is a necessary or contingent part of the party and the movement. After all, the Greens have been several different parties over their 50-year history and prelude, with various influxi. Initially, as the United Tasmania Group, and the Tasmanian and WA Greens, they were the political wings of environmental movements, understood as subordinated to activism. When a full national party was established, a section of the non-Labor left — the so-called “watermelons” — rushed in and gave the party its modern structure.

The third wave, from around 2005 or so on, has comprised politically active members of the rising knowledge class, with a stronger focus on social, cultural and identity issues — doing well from Julia Gillard’s repudiation of same-sex marriage, for example. There is now no reason for there not to be a conscious fourth wave, which brings new emphases, styles and approaches to the Greens.

What would a cohort of former Labor or Labor-identified people bring to the Greens? If they’re leaving because of Labor’s two-sided action on fossil fuels and emissions — as well as its refusal to lift benefit rates and its unwillingness (though this may change) to really start taxing corporations and the finance sector — then they, you, will bring an emphasis on the planetary emergency as one created by capitalism (among other forces), whose other expression is rising inequality and the steady decline of social services and infrastructure. Though most will be from the knowledge class, they will be from wider provinces of that large class.

Currently, the group that’s heavily represented in the Greens is what you might call the “cultural elite” section of the knowledge class. Representing no more than 10-12% of the population, it dominates the jobs that produce the culture people consume, or the state and corporate policy that shapes our lives. For such a group, the cultural issues around identity, speech, gender, sex, colonialism, etc, are not only non-negotiable — they’re also part of a whole that can’t be divided up.

The destructive attitude to nature leading us to trash the planet can’t be separated from an attempt to lay down the law on what human nature is, and so on. Truth be told, many of the “third wave” Greens, though they care about the climate emergency, were far more drawn by the sort of politics that occurs around cultural issues. We’ve reached the sad point where many of the brave activists slogging it out in the Tarkine or the ravaged central highlands of Victoria wouldn’t identify with the Greens at all.

The Greens need a fourth wave of people whose jobs are a little bit less at the centre of cultural self-fashioning, whose demands make it inevitable that they will be militant progressive identitarians. With the highway to the heart of Labor washed away, the only game, in terms of party politics, is to build towards six, eight, 10 lower house seats, and make it more or less impossible for Labor to govern without confidence and supply from outside.

The Labor conditions that made a three-seat gain possible in Brisbane (a fanatically pro-brown state Labor government) have now been generalised. Plugging planetary crisis together with inequality and decline, and pushing identity and other questions into third place — and with a more pluralist and open conception of party values — will be the only way in which the immensely difficult task of extending into more class-mixed seats will be won. There will then have to be a few internal stoushes to refight some recently lost battles around party values, platforms and democracy.

This is a long game, with a lot of weird things that could happen along the way. But Labor-identified leftists who still baulk at the step must ask themselves: will you feel, in five years’ time, that you were a fool for hanging on and believing that things might come good? And if so, why not make the move right away? It’s over baby, mourn it and move on, or it will become a stone in your heart that no magic can bring back to life.

Will you be joining the Greens? Let us know by writing to letters@crikey.com.au. Please include your full name to be considered for publicationWe reserve the right to edit for length and clarity.