Say this for the right’s perfidious No campaign: it’s as clever as it is slippery and dangerous.
For several months, its cadre of right-wing fabulists and fellow travellers has painted an ominous portrait of the Voice: one shaded in hysterical lies and the paradigmatic colours of Frankfurt-like “bullshit”, but also one that skilfully conceals the extent to which the right’s screeds against the Voice wink at and sanitise a version of the “Great Replacement” conspiracy theory.
The regnant consensus underlying this racist theory — variations of which have gradually migrated from the fringe to the mainstream in many countries, including the United States — broadly turns on a premonition that a secret or sinister force, acting through a network of left-wing elites, is promoting policies that will herald the end of life as we know it, and ultimately strip white people of their sovereign power.
Ordinarily these policies are identified as those which encourage non-white immigration or increase racial diversity. Here, by contrast, the geyser of discontent is confined, at least on appearances, to the Voice. But presumably because replacement theory is so unhinged, so weighted in a sea of unreality and what would otherwise pass for edgelording, the No campaign rarely draws on the language of replacement in explicit, unvarnished terms.
Instead it speaks of democracy giving way to what Opposition Leader Peter Dutton calls a dark “Orwellian” future in which “we’re all equal but”, worryingly, some “more than others”. It summons in his view an unravelling world of “wokeness” gone mad; a country that threatens to permanently teem with racial division and rank unfairness as it remains forever shackled to the whims of a group of vindictive or corrupt Indigenous “elites”. A spectre, in other words, which strikes at, rather than enhances, the egalitarian ideals that supposedly give expression to our national character.
Others, chief among them former prime minister Tony Abbott, have consciously amplified this incendiary rhetoric, telling Australians the Voice conceals what is in truth an unashamed “power grab” on the part of Indigenous peoples or the “4%”, as he so often calls them. The proposal is a “Trojan horse”, he says, whose true purpose is to snatch “sovereign power of the future direction of the country” and repose it in the hands of a few at the expense of those whose “ancestry in this country dates only from 1788“.
It’s in such ways the right borrows from the poisonous canon of the Great Replacement. The scourge of racism, in these fever dreams, is never erased. On the contrary, it’s instead identified as something which manifests as a form of reverse discrimination against white people — the “true victims”, the right would have you believe, of the hectoring wokeness of today. Each and every iteration of replacement theory is grounded in some variation of this apocalyptic sensibility, and here it’s no different.
Underlying the right’s moral indignation against the Voice, if we’re to take it seriously, is an irrational, self-implicating fear Indigenous peoples will use the constitutional change to exact revenge for the dark chapters of Australian history. Hence those deranged mutterings of many in The Australian and on Sky News, who lament the Voice as an existential force that beckons a chancy and destructive form of “co-government” wholly inconsonant with our way of life. And those endless lies that the Voice will afford First Nations peoples a “special say” over everything and everyone, inevitably paving the way for reparations, higher taxes, the demise of private land ownership and even a “Black state” carved out of the Northern Territory.
It’s true a long lineage of conservative thought stretching from the heyday of John Howard predates this racist fearmongering, as La Trobe University’s Dominic Kelly so neatly enumerated in Crikey yesterday. Yet what’s clever about this latest rendition of white proselytising is that it explicitly smuggles and monopolises the universalism of liberal values into its toxic blend of shitposting and disinformation, making equality the rallying cry from which it denies the legitimacy of the Voice proposal.
The reason the right draws on equality and unity as its basic organising principles is, of course, obvious: to broaden the appeal of its opposition to the Voice. It achieves this, on the one hand, by lending a veneer of disarming reasonableness and pseudo-erudition to the disdain with which it holds the discrete rights of Indigenous peoples as First Nations peoples under international law (the true and uncontroversial basis of the Voice proposal that the right, unsurprisingly, never mentions). And, on the other, by distracting attention from the lived experience of those rolling tides of injustice — be it overt racism, poverty, medical discrimination or incarceration — that continue to animate the lives of First Nations peoples in this country.
It’s done so in a nod to the good conscience of Australians, most of whom when confronted with the sobering realities of such deep-seated inequality discern in them a source of national shame. The same sentiment presumably explains why it was the Voice, until recent months, commanded such strong support across the nation.
The same explicates the perceived need, in the eyes of the right, to irrevocably twist and refashion the Voice proposal into something perverse and dangerous — something which, so it claims, will “reracialise” the country. After all, how else, one might ask, to rally otherwise well-meaning Australians who are repelled by racism to its cause? How else to deflect public attention from the ugly racism inherent on the right which, courtesy of such deceptive tactics, disappears into its quicksand of deceit and rhetorical savvy every time someone dares to point out its existence.
All of which brings to the fore Jacinta Nampijinpa Price’s striking foray into historical denialism last week. The content of the senator’s National Press Club speech, as Kelly emphasised, wasn’t novel to anyone versed in the history of racism that’s long characterised the right. In fact, the speech was given precisely a week after Abbott, writing in The Australian, declared the notion of intergenerational trauma arising from colonisation a “neo-Marxist fiction” which “permeates the full Uluru Statement”, and less than a couple of months after Howard described British colonisation as the “luckiest thing” to have happened to Australia.
What conversely lends Price’s speech a sense of the singular is the fact of her status as one of the most prominent Indigenous persons in the country and the brazenness with which she falsely and flatly denied the ongoing consequences of colonisation on First Nations people and invoked the language of assimilation.
By using the sober rhetoric of unity and equality to attack and dismantle the logic of public investment in Indigenous affairs, she arguably exposed the ideological gameplan of the right’s opposition to the Voice for what it is: little more than a Trojan horse to reintroduce assimilation thinking into mainstream thought.
On one level, the dangers carried by this strategy are obvious, weaponising as it does zhuzhed-up opposition to any policy that by design reduces and recognises the fact of Indigenous disadvantage. We see this already in the right’s rising angst around Welcome to Country ceremonies; the suggestion that Indigenous people ought to be blood-tested for welfare and jobs; its lies about “vast” and wasteful Indigenous expenditure; its opposition to treaties and truth-telling; and, not least, in its crusade to dehumanise First Nations peoples, as the unconcealed racism of its recent CPAC Australia conference attests.
Taken to its logical conclusion, however, the endpoint of assimilation heralds something altogether more dangerous, and that is the resurrection of eugenics-inspired thinking. For if we’re seriously to believe Indigenous disadvantage owes nothing to colonisation, that it flows in no way from past and present oppression, then it follows — on the right’s warped thinking — that its genesis must lie wholly or partly in inherent or biological inferiorities of some kind.
If that seems decidedly far-fetched or inconceivable, you need only look to the US, where the trappings of this pseudoscientific racism not only find reflection in the manifestos of white supremacist mass shooters, but are enjoying a renaissance among a swathe of young, mainstream conservatives.
Indeed, perhaps a return to assimilation has always been the game plan of Australia’s right. After all, it certainly cast the Coalition’s decades-long history wars and opposition to truth-telling in a new light. If young people are unaware of the fact of dispossession and its ongoing realities, it’s easier to persuade them as voters later in life racial discrimination is a myth.
And so Price’s comments are possibly more an omen than an outlier of what conceivably awaits the country when the Coalition one day returns to power. This is especially so in light of Price’s comments last night, where she described herself as the (self-appointed) “vessel” for Indigenous peoples.
The unflinching truth is the right, or at least the far right, has always been opposed to policies and measures that seek to level the playing field between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people in any way. It offends its twisted worldview of the natural order of things, which has as its apex white supremacy in all its truculent power. The allure of replacement theory to the right here stems from its insistence that any realignment of this worldview in favour of Indigenous people is necessarily threatening and must be extinguished.
The problem confronting the country today lies in the force of the right’s poisonous rhetoric, which — if left unchallenged — could become the dominant story of our times, where the referendum’s defeat is taken, as Professor Marcia Langton has suggested, as a mandate to roll back Indigenous investment.
It’s no exaggeration, in other words, to suggest the referendum heralds a rendezvous with history. The cultural winds are blowing, but perhaps in a direction few could have possibly foreseen before the campaign.
Powerful and persuasive arguments. The No campaign insistence on describing the Voice proposal as ‘racist’ is a good example of the disingenuous but highly effective tactics they are using. Giving a particular formal status to the people that here before 1788 is not a matter of race. If, by some miracle, we could dispense with and forget about all the pseudo-science of race, we would still be able to clearly see that there were people here before the First Fleet arrived, and that they and their descendants are right to expect recognition. But that would not suit the No campaign, so it keeps talking about race, pretending that it is opposed to racism while its position needs racism and entrenches it.
Senator Price is altogether taking too much oxygen in all this. It’s becoming blatant that her objections to the Voice mostly come down to her self-serving fear that, if it happens, her career risks going off the rails and she will become irrelevant. She will say anything, no matter how ridiculous, if she thinks it might help sink the Voice.
“She will say anything, no matter how ridiculous, if she thinks it might help sink the Voice.”………..
………..spot on, and I’m sure if she got a better offer from the other side she’d do a 180 so fast she’d get whiplash.
Warren Mundine-style 180?
I’m surprised they don’t get dizzy switching sides…………..
…….or forget which one is paying them this week.
Only faster than Wazza!
Yet Price talks of us all being the same but still advocates booze ban in remote aboriginal communities and the use of the welfare cashless card. So why don’t we need a voice to parliament if we still have booze bans on aboriginals and the situation is so bad only cash less cards can be trusted? Why did Peter Dutton go to Alice Springs earlier in the year and demand action from the PM because of an outbreak of aboriginal youth crime. If we are all the same isn’t that just a regional law and order issue? As for the colonial impact on the Aboriginal people it’s a pity we can’t get impact statements from the full blooded Tasmanian aboriginal’s that got extinguished over a century ago. We got package food, some running water then wiped from the face of the earth to a man, women and child.
Joe, I think the story of Tasmanian Aboriginals being “wiped out” has been well and truly debunked.
True, but it was not for lack of trying by the colonists that some few survived, and it does not much reduce the horror or scale of the crime. It is strange and rather pathetic that there is so much resistance now to calling what happened there a genocidal war; at the end of the 19th C the organised attempts to wipe out the Tasmanian Aboriginals were sufficiently well-known that H G Wells’ War of the Worlds, published in 1898, was a metaphor for the massacres, with south-east England instead of Tasmania seized by merciless invaders from far away deploying vastly superior weapons to clear away the inhabitants.
The novel references the Tasmanian genocide on page 11, Pan edition.
see Tassie tiger..
according to who? You?
Some of the ‘whom‘ might include Michael Mansell.
Though opinions vary.
“We must vote No to unite the nation.” Price said that, according to one of McGregor’s links. Where do you begin?
It’s not even original, it’s imported US fossil fueled Koch, Tanton & GOP modus operandi using think tanks, NGOs, media and ethnic fronts for astroturfing of eugenics for broad MSM consumption and reinforcement; astroturfing.
Well said.
I am increasingly of the opinion that the slogan “Voice.Treaty.Truth” is in the wrong order. There is no way that an overwhelming majority of the Australian population will understand the need for a Voice and Treaty until they know both the truth about what happened to First Nations people after January 1788, and the actual content of the Australian Constitution. Truth telling is a slow process, already underway in film, television, art, music and literature as well as history. This needs to be accelerated so that every child in Australian schools knows what happened in their suburb or town – the sites of the massacres, the homes from where children were stolen, the grounds where their bodies are buried. Then we need proper civics education so that Australians understand we have no bill of rights, that our Constitution was the result of deals made between squabbling states, still giving ultimate power to an absent king 10,000 miles away. The Australian Constitution needs to be reformed, not respected.
another go at a republic.. the one we were getting when Lizzie karked.. lets try and keep Mr Broadband away from this one..
Excellent points.
Just as all politics is local, so should education about the crimes against our first peoples be a component of an overarching education about their treatment in the whole of Australia.
Back in the day, some 60 years ago, my first day in high school was a day of introductions, and amongst the other new pupils were several descendants of the original inhabitants, but we knew nothing of the real history of atrocities and dispossession.
All were just pupils in the school, accepted for who they were, just as were the ‘reffo’ kids from the war, and the children of 10-pound Poms like me.
There was only one full-blood blackfella in the ( small) town. He owned the bootmaker’s shop, which in those days was a good business and had fought overseas in the war and was a well-respected man in town. He was old enough to have seen the evils wrought on his people, but we never heard about them.
Vale, Clarrie Stewart, and all the Pearces, not forgetting Alfie, whose father lost an arm in the war, and whose surname I do not know.
Okay, but local history is only local history. Reflect for a mo. on our national history. Events, iconic moments and national decisions are much much broader than local happenings. When I first read that line of yours it sounded as though something Tony Abbott would say.
The lack of a bill of rights in intimately connected to the refusal to recognise the truth of colonisation. During one of the constitutional conventions in the 1890s (1898?), Isaac Isaacs proposed that the national constitution include a bill of rights, but he was overruled by those who feared it would be used to support the rights of Indigenous people and non-whites. As a result, the possibility of reconciliation went west for 135 years and counting.
I think you’re right but for First Nations people the thought of waiting for that learning process to take effect was probably too difficult to contemplate.
Yes, the process should be accelerated. It’s probably no surprise that older Australians are less supportive of the Voice, because until recently the school curriculum had almost nothing to say about Indigenous Australians. There was Captain Cook, then Phillip and a few benign Aborigines waiting to welcome them. I’m not familiar with the current school curriculum a full history of Australia should start in primary school. All Australians need to better understand that policies damaging have continued right through to the present time. Then, there’s the unfinished business about the presentation of the frontier wars at the War Memorial.
Toxic Tony used to make a big thing about spending his holidays getting a sweat up in remote communities. Now he is against the voice. Must have been just for PR purposes.
Yes, definitely was. I recall, similarly, John Howard showing interest in the march across the Sydney Harbour Bridge for Reconciliation. re. On 28 May 2000, 250,000 Australians, in their own time, and by their own volition marched to show their support for Indigenous Reconciliation. I remember wondering at the time if Howard’s pique and interest was the beginning of some sort of realignment to inclusive policies. Nay, I was deceived. The massive turnout aroused Howard only insofar as he read this as a trigger-issue that might serve his political interests. As Mauve argues here, Indigenous issues are being used by the NLP and the No campaign as a pretext and an avenue to gaslight the electorate.
I know and appreciate that Maeve uses some forthright language, but to paint her as purple is a bit much :).
Hey Bill, not sure what you mean by purple but mauve is a shade of the colour purple!
PR purposes? Surely not. Abbott, who was always making announcements. About something. And doing nothing. Unless a bike ride down an unmade road counts as remote work.
Making promises you can’t keep works well for many established institutions. Abbott was once a Catholic Seminarian.
Quick fun fact. When Abbot was a seminarian he was posted for one year to my local parish, here in Emu Plains (NSW). I was told by a now-deceased parishioner that Tony would date his daughter at the same time as doing his parochial work. Hahaha. This was at the beginnings of what became the Mad Monk!
I don’t disagree with the insights here but they may be a little overthought, in the sense that the right is not so much sophisticated in its racism as wedded to its superiority and ignorance about it. The latter being important to maintaining the former. In particular mistaking privilege for superiority.
So on the one hand you have a Thatcher like worldview dedicated to the individual, whereby (a) everyone has more or less the same chances as everyone else (b) those who make it deserve to and of those who don’t, most are undeserving. This is unfortunately bedrock Australian “commonsense” as articulated constantly by tabloid media. It relies on a solipsistic view that universalises a persons individual experience as being the same for all others. Anti-empathy. This is Price’s approach in a nutshell. The notion of a group of people existing or being disadvantaged because they are a group is wiped away as a false premise. All that is left is “us” we individuals and “them” those claiming victimhood to seek power over us. The racism comes in the pointing to them and the fear of them as an identifiable group. At that point we are entering the realms of populist fascism.
All that said, the right is quite quick to become a we to assert collectivities of “interests” who are being unfairly treated or taxed or whatnot.
Don’t you just love the cognitive dissonance of Mundine?.
Weeping about the “Racist vilification” that he has been receiving……..
……..this from the Chairman of CPAC, the plaything of the US Republicans, who thought it amusing to have a comedian at their conference who referred to traditional owners as “Violent Black Men”, and speakers including Gary Johns, whose contributions included telling Aborigines that if they wanted a Voice they should learn English, and recommended blood tests to prove Aboriginality. Another speaker was the delectable Elijah Schaffer, an American who for some reason is living in Australia, who appears to be a Neo-Nazi hater of Jews, Aboriginals,and all things LGBTQI…………… the full-on Right Wing Nutbag.
So how does Mundine think his (presumably) own people react to his bringing such people to speak in Sydney?
Might be suffering from a touch of racial vilification, at all?
I can only assume that his tender feelings are much mollified by regular applications of brown paper bags……………..
I think Mundine is straddling two icebergs drifting slowly apart, one labelled Thorpe, the other labelled Price. I fear the poor man will split up the middle.
I think Wattaguy is the least liked Mundine in NSW.. sorry Choc…
I find him odious in his opportunism and an almost baffling combination of self-regard with a lack of self-knowledge. He certainly has had a successful career but he seems more embedded in a sort of smug male notion of patriarchy as fostered by Catholicism. Something he shares with Tony Abbott? He is certainly not what Manning Clark would have called an enlarger and thus no leader.
I agree with you, though I am not baffled by his self-regard. Common, O so common these days. And your right about the sort of Richt Wing colouration found in some Catholics such as in Tony Abbot. However, for what it is worth, there are Socially Progressive Catholics as well. They haven’t a lot of air time these days, nor do they pronounce themselves with Catholic gusto. Albanese, for instance, or Malcom Turnbull are some of these quieter, more nuanced – and I’d say, more authentic Catholics. They do not allow politics and religion in a way that tries to force a heady mix, which is what Abbot, Morrison, Howard and co. typically concoct.
T. Abbott’s spiritual home is the DLP. You had to grow up catholic to know how boring the catholicism of Bob Santamaria and DLP really were. Not to mention oppressively reactionary.
Bl**dy Point Of View, your Sundays were routinely trashed by old Santamaria. Turned me off TV for years.
Considering his age, there is something really strange about Abbott’s worship of Santamaria. I think Abbott must be an out and out weirdo.
Interesting, good comments. Abbot conceived as an out and out weirdo made me chuckle. Thanks, forwhatitsworth.
He is the queerest of things. Trumpeting Catholicism, but having an affair with Credlin, and at the same time as claiming monkish way for his lifestyle while in Canberra. Loves to be photo-ed in his budgie-smugglers, at the beach and around the pool. Takes excessive physical exercise. And, if he managed to stay around (he lasted as PM for but 2 years), there was talk that he’d become a pin-up boy for the Queer Gay community – re. those beach shots in the budgie-smugglers. The violence needed to hold all those contradictions of his character together speaks of what goes in inside of him. Weird, yes – and violent. And, I am sure somewhere just below the surface, he knows it.
‘Some are more equal than others’. That pretty much describes contemporary society. I strongly suspect that Peter Dutton, the harder right and their backers are more concerned about attempts to change who the existing ‘some’ are in favour of a broader group or at least a change in elite composition.