Mandarin-speaking voters are more engaged this election — for obvious reasons

This is the first in a two-part series about Mandarin-speaking voters in this election by Wanning Sun, a specialist in Chinese media and cultural studies from University of Technology Sydney.

Most of the Mandarin-speaking voters in Australia are first-generation migrants from the People’s Republic of China.

For several years I have closely followed many WeChat groups as a participant observer, mainly to get a sense of the level of their political engagement. With the election happening on Saturday, I have made some interesting and important observations from my participation in more than 10 politically active WeChat groups — observations that may raise the eyebrows of many mainstream English speakers.

Some of these groups support one particular party; some contain supporters from both major parties; some are less easy to pigeonhole in purely party-political terms.

First, my observations suggest that the Mandarin-speaking cohort has never cared so much about any previous election as it seems to care about this one. Across a number of WeChat groups, I have witnessed a much higher level of emotional investment in getting individuals’ preferred party elected, more people volunteer to help at pre-poll and campaign for their preferred parties, and more willingness to engage directly with the candidates.

It may not be an exaggeration to say that for the first time some in this cohort seriously believe the outcome of this election will have a clear impact on them personally, and a clear impact on the Chinese-Australian community generally.

For instance, a Mr Wang posted a Chinese-language message that has been widely circulated in several groups. His message, which clearly supports Labor, nevertheless addresses all Chinese-speaking voters in Australia, and he says: “Maybe you don’t care about politics. Previously I didn’t bother with politics myself. I only focused on my own business interests. But this election will determine what kind of future you and your family will have.”

The sentiment clearly resonated with a woman who runs a Chinese-language school in Canberra. She posts: “The reason I get political is because I realise that the root cause of racism against us is from the top, from radical right-wing political parties and politicians. We need a new government that cares about us migrants and is willing to address racism. We’re Australians. We are as loyal as other Australians. We deserve to be respected and valued.”

Second, the Chinese communities in general, including the Mandarin-speaking cohort, have been known to generally favour the Coalition over Labor, based on the belief that the Liberals are better at managing the economy. It is my opinion that this has never been completely accurate.

My research suggests that Chinese communities, like all communities, are diverse in their party preferences, and are as likely to be swinging voters as other communities.

In the past few weeks I have seen many WeChat users saying this time they would be switching their vote to Labor. The reasons are obvious enough. Many do not like the Coalition’s hawkish rhetoric and policies vis-a-vis China; they do not think the incumbent government has done much to curb anti-Chinese racism, which has worsened since the pandemic; they are worn down by being frequently subject to suspicion and distrust because of doubts about their political loyalty.

Even though there are not too many substantive policy differences between the Coalition and Labor as far as China is concerned, there is a general assumption that Labor is not in the business of talking up the China threat, or of starting a war with China over Taiwan.

It is hard to imagine that the Liberals have not anticipated the negative effect of this rhetoric on Chinese-speaking voters. My speculation is that the government must have done a cost-benefit analysis and decided that it stands to gain more votes/seats from its base in the wider Australian community by running a hawkish national security agenda, rather than worrying about the possible loss of support within the Chinese community.

Third, for the first time, minor parties such as the Greens have been gaining traction with some Mandarin-speaking voters. Quite a few former Labor voters saying they now support the Greens, largely because the Greens saying they do not see China as a military threat has struck a chord with them — as well as a growing perception of the Greens as being primarily anti-war.

Concern about the environment — although not the predominant reason given for their growing support for the Greens — is also a factor. A health worker in Perth says she has become gradually aware of environmental issues through talking to friends. In one WeChat groups I studied she says: “I support the Greens. The Greens and Labor are on the same wavelength on climate change. For me, leaving an environmentally sustainable place for posterity is more important than anything. Mining and other money-making projects are destroying the environment. I’d rather make less money and save the environment for our children.”

It is not just Labor and the Greens attracting disillusioned Liberal supporters: independent teal candidates are also entering the consciousness of many Mandarin-speaking voters, although not to the same extent as the Greens. Jeff Ma, for instance, who once volunteered for Treasurer Josh Frydenberg, is now supporting Frydenberg’s rival, Dr Monica Ryan.

One person very active in quite a few WeChat groups posted a message which ends with a laughing emoji: “You should feel free to support whichever party: the Greens, independent, or Labor. We should all unite to oppose Liberals.”

Tomorrow: how WeChat is being used to court the Mandarin-speaking vote.